Thursday, June 12, 2025

Antifa (United States) - Wikipedia


Antifa (United States) - Wikipedia

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antifa_(United_States)

Antifa (United States)

Antifa (/ænˈtiːfə, ˈæntifə/) is a left-wing anti-fascist and anti-racist political movement in the United States. It consists of a highly decentralized array of autonomous groups that use nonviolent direct action, incivility, or violence to achieve their aims.[1][2] Antifa political activism includes non-violent methods such as poster and flyer campaigns, mutual aid, speeches, protest marches, and community organizing.[3][4][5] Some who identify as antifa also use tactics involving digital activism, doxing, harassment, physical violence, and property damage. Supporters of the movement aim to combat far-right extremists, including neo-Nazis and white supremacists.[6]

Individuals involved in the movement subscribe to a range of left-wing ideologies, and tend to hold anti-authoritarian, anti-capitalist, and anti-state views. A majority of individuals involved are anarchists, communists, and socialists,[7] although some social democrats also participate in the antifa movement.[5][8][9] The name antifa and the logo with two flags representing anarchism and communism are derived from the German antifa movement.[10] Dartmouth College historian Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, credits Anti-Racist Action (ARA) as the precursor of modern antifa groups in the United States.[11][12]


The American antifa movement grew after Donald Trump was elected president of the United States in 2016. Antifa activists' actions have since received support and criticism from various organizations and pundits. Some on the political left and some civil rights organizations criticize antifa's willingness to adopt violent tactics, which they describe as counterproductive and dangerous, arguing that these tactics embolden the political right and their allies.[13] Both Democratic and Republican politicians have condemned violence from antifa.[14][15][16][17] Many right-wing politicians and groups have characterized antifa as a domestic terrorist organization or use antifa as a catch-all term[18] for any left-leaning or liberal protest actions.[19] According to some scholars, antifa is a legitimate response to the rise of the far-right.[20][21] Scholars tend to reject an equivalence between antifa and right-wing extremism.[2][22][23][24] Research suggests that most antifa action is nonviolent.[25][26][27]

There have been numerous efforts to discredit antifa by various right-wing groups and individuals.[28][29] Some have been done via hoaxes on social media, many of them false flag operations originating from alt-right and 4chan users posing as antifa backers on Twitter;[30][31][32] some hoaxes have been picked up and portrayed as fact by right-leaning media and politicians.[30][33][34][35] There were repeated calls by Donald Trump and William Barr to designate antifa as a terrorist organization.[36] Academics, legal experts, and others have argued such an action would exceed the authority of the presidency and violate the First Amendment.[37][38][39] Several analyses, reports, and studies have concluded that antifa is not a major domestic terrorism risk.[40][41][42]

Contents

Definition

The English word antifa is a loanword from the German Antifa, where it is a shortened form of the word antifaschistisch ("anti-fascist") and a nickname of Antifaschistische Aktion (1932–1933), a short-lived group which inspired the wider antifa movement in Germany.[43][44][45] The German word Antifa itself first appeared in 1930 and the long form antifaschistisch was borrowed from the original Italian anti-Fascisti ("anti-fascists").[43] Oxford Dictionaries placed antifa on its shortlist for word of the year in 2017 and stated the word "emerged from relative obscurity to become an established part of the English lexicon over the course of 2017."[44]

The pronunciation of the word in English is not settled as it may be stressed on either the first or the second syllable.[46][43]

According to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) the term antifa "is often misapplied to include all counter-protesters".[47]

During the first Trump administration, the term antifa became "a conservative catch-all" term as Donald Trump, administration officials, Trump base supporters, and right-wing commentators applied the label to all sorts of left-leaning or liberal protest actions.[18] Conservative writers such as L. Brent Bozell III associated the tactics of Black Lives Matter with those of antifa.[18] Politico reported that "the term [antifa] is a potent one for conservatives" because "[i]t's the violent distillation of everything they fear could come to pass in an all-out culture war. And it's a quick way to brand part of the opposition."[18] Alexander Reid Ross, who teaches at Portland State University, argues that the popularization of the term antifa was a reaction to the popularization of the term alt-right, "to the point where [antifa] simply describes people who are anti-fascist or people who are against racism and are willing to protest against it."[18]

Movement structure and ideology

Antifa is not a unified organization but rather a movement without a hierarchical leadership structure, comprising multiple autonomous groups and individuals.[47][8][27][48] The movement is loosely affiliated[49] and has no chain of command, with antifa groups instead sharing "resources and information about far-right activity across regional and national borders through loosely knit networks and informal relationships of trust and solidarity."[50][39] According to Mark Bray, "members [of antifa groups] hide their political activities from law enforcement and the far right" and "concerns about infiltration and high expectations of commitment keep the sizes of groups rather small."[39][50]

Bray adds that "[i]t's important to understand that antifa politics, and antifa's methods, are designed to stop white supremacists, fascists, and neo-Nazis as easily as possible."[51] According to research by both Bray and scholar Stanislav Vysotsky, antifa methods are mostly nonviolent;[25][27] analysis by the Anti-Defamation League has reached the same conclusion.[26] According to Bray, "they function in some ways like private investigators; they track neo-Nazi organizing across multiple social-media platforms."[51] In regard to doxing, Bray says that it is about "telling people that they have a Nazi living down the street, or telling employers that they're employing white supremacists", adding that "after Charlottesville, a lot of the repercussions that these khaki-wearing, tiki-torch white supremacists faced were their employers firing them and their families repudiating what they do."[51]

Activists typically organize protests via social media and through websites.[52] Some activists have built peer-to-peer networks, or use encrypted-texting services like Signal.[53] Chauncey Devega of Salon described antifa as an organizing strategy, not a group of people.[54] According to a member of a New York City antifa group, their group's identification research on whether an individual or group is "fascist, Alt Right, White Nationalist, etc." is "based on which groups they are a part of and endorse." While noting that "Nazis, fascists, white nationalists, anti-Semites and Islamophobes" are specific overlapping categories, the main focus is "on groups and individuals which endorse, or work directly in alliance with, white supremacists and white separatists. We try to be very clear and precise with how we use these terms."[55] According to terrorism experts Colin Clarke and Michael Kenney, writing in War on the Rocks, direct actions such as anti-Trump protests, demonstrations against the alt-right provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos and the clash with neo-Nazis and white supremacists at the Unite the Right rally "reflects many Antifa supporters' belief that Trump is a fascist demagogue who threatens the existence of America's pluralistic, multi-racial democracy. This factor helps explain why such Antifa supporters are so quick to label the president's 'Make America Great Again' supporters as fascists — and why Trump is so quick to label Antifa as a terrorist organization."[56]

The antifa movement grew after the 2016 United States presidential election. As of August 2017, approximately 200 groups existed, of varying sizes and levels of activity.[57] It is particularly active in the Pacific Northwest,[58] such as in Portland, Oregon.[59]

Individuals involved in the antifa movement tend to hold anti-authoritarian,[11] anti-capitalist,[60][61] anti-fascist,[49] and anti-state views,[9] subscribing to a varied range of left-wing ideologies.[62] A majority of adherents are anarchists, communists, and other socialists who describe themselves as revolutionaries,[8] although some social democrats and others on the American Left,[9] among them environmentalists, LGBT and indigenous rights advocates,[5] also adhere to the antifa movement.[8] According to professor of journalism and political science at the Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at the City University of New York, Peter Beinart, "antifa is heavily composed of anarchists" and "its activists place little faith in the state, which they consider complicit in fascism and racism."[9] Antifa activists' ideologies, as well as their involvement in violent actions against far-right opponents and the police has led some scholars and news media to characterize the movement as far-left[2][63][64][65][66][67] and militant.[49][68][69]

In his article "The Rise of the Violent Left" for The Atlantic, Beinart writes that antifa activists "prefer direct action: They pressure venues to deny white supremacists space to meet. They pressure employers to fire them and landlords to evict them. And when people they deem racists and fascists manage to assemble, antifa's partisans try to break up their gatherings, including by force."[9] According to historian Mark Bray, an expert on the movement,[70][8][71] the "vast majority of anti-fascist organizing is nonviolent. But their willingness to physically defend themselves and others from white supremacist violence and preemptively shut down fascist organizing efforts before they turn deadly distinguishes them from liberal anti-racists."[27][72]

Described as a pan-leftist and non-hierarchical movement,[8] antifa is united by opposition to right-wing extremism and white supremacy.[49][73] Antifa activists reject both conservative and liberal anti-fascism.[73][74][75] The antifa movement generally eschews mainstream liberal democracy,[8] having "an illiberal disdain for the confines of mainstream politics",[76] and favoring direct action over electoral politics.[49][73] Bray states that "[t]he vast majority of antifa militants are radical anti-capitalists who oppose the Democratic Party" and that Democratic Party leaders, including Nancy Pelosi and Joe Biden, have condemned antifa and political violence more broadly.[76][77] Despite antifa's opposition to the Democratic Party and liberalism, some right-wing commentators have accused their adherents of being aided by "liberal sympathizers"[78] and "affiliated with the Democratic Party"[76][77] as well as being "a single organization", "funded by liberal financiers like George Soros", "mastermind[ing] violence at Black Lives Matter protests", and that "Antifascists are the 'real fascists'", with Bray citing these as examples of five myths about antifa.[76][77]

The ADL states that "[m]ost antifa come from the anarchist movement or from the far left, though since the 2016 presidential election, some people with more mainstream political backgrounds have also joined their ranks."[47] Similarly, Bray argues that "[i]t's also important to remember that these are self-described revolutionaries. They're anarchists and communists who are way outside the traditional conservative-liberal spectrum."[8] ABC News notes that "[w]hile antifa's political leanings are often described as 'far-left,' experts say members' radical views vary and can intersect with communism, socialism and anarchism."[79] According to CNN, "Antifa is short for anti-fascists. The term is used to define a broad group of people whose political beliefs lean toward the left -- often the far left -- but do not conform with the Democratic Party platform."[80] The BBC notes that, "as their name indicates, Antifa focuses more on fighting far-right ideology than encouraging pro-left policy."[49] Beinart argues that the 2016 election of Donald Trump vitalized the antifa movement and some on the mainstream left were more willing to support them as a tactical opposition.[9]

History

Background

Further information: Post-World War II anti-fascism

When Italian dictator Benito Mussolini consolidated power under his National Fascist Party in the mid-1920s, an oppositional anti-fascist movement surfaced both in Italy and countries such as the United States. Many anti-fascist leaders in the United States were anarchist, socialist, and syndicalist émigrés from Italy with experience in labor organizing and militancy.[81] Ideologically, antifa in the United States sees itself as the successor to anti-Nazi activists of the 1930s. European activist groups that originally organized to oppose World War II-era fascist dictatorships re-emerged in the 1970s and 1980s to oppose white supremacy and skinheads, eventually spreading to the United States.[57]

Modern antifa politics can be traced to opposition to the infiltration of Britain's punk scene by white power skinheads in the 1970s and 1980s, and the emergence of neo-Nazism in Germany following the fall of the Berlin Wall.[9] In Germany, young leftists, including anarchists and punk fans, renewed the practice of street-level anti-fascism.[9] Peter Beinart writes that "[i]n the late '80s, left-wing punk fans in the United States began following suit, though they initially called their groups Anti-Racist Action, on the theory that Americans would be more familiar with fighting racism than they would be with fighting fascism."[9]

Dartmouth College historian Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, credits Anti-Racist Action (ARA) as the precursor of modern antifa groups in the United States.[11][12] In the late 1980s and 1990s, ARA activists toured with popular punk rock and skinhead bands in order to prevent Klansmen, neo-Nazis and other assorted white supremacists from recruiting.[9][82][83] Their motto was "We go where they go", by which they meant that they would confront far-right activists in concerts and actively remove their materials from public places.[59][27] In 2002, ARA disrupted a speech in Pennsylvania by Matthew F. Hale, the head of the white supremacist group World Church of the Creator, resulting in a fight and 25 arrests.[9]

In 2007, Rose City Antifa, likely the first group to utilize the name antifa, was formed in Portland, Oregon by former ARA members.[84][5][85] Other antifa groups in the United States have other genealogies. In Minneapolis, Minnesota, a group called the Baldies was formed in 1987 with the intent to fight neo-Nazi groups directly.[61] In 2013, the "most radical" chapters of ARA formed the Torch Antifa Network,[86] which has chapters throughout the United States.[87] Other antifa groups are a part of different associations such as NYC Antifa or operate independently.[88]

Activities

According to Brian Levin, director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at the California State University, San Bernardino, antifa activists feel the need to participate in violent actions because "they believe that elites are controlling the government and the media. So they need to make a statement head-on against the people who they regard as racist."[80] Historian Mark Bray wrote that the adherents "reject turning to the police or the state to halt the advance of white supremacy. Instead they advocate popular opposition to fascism as we witnessed in Charlottesville."[8] The idea of direct action is central to the antifa movement.[89] Former antifa organizer Scott Crow told an interviewer:

The idea in Antifa is that we go where they (right-wingers) go. That hate speech is not free speech. That if you are endangering people with what you say and the actions that are behind them, then you do not have the right to do that. And so we go to cause conflict, to shut them down where they are, because we don't believe that Nazis or fascists of any stripe should have a mouthpiece.[80]

A manual posted on It's Going Down, an anarchist website, warns against accepting "people who just want to fight". Furthermore, the website notes that "physically confronting and defending against fascists is a necessary part of anti-fascist work, but is not the only or even necessarily the most important part."[90]

According to Beinart, antifa activists "try to publicly identify white supremacists and get them fired from their jobs and evicted from their apartments" and also "disrupt white-supremacist rallies, including by force."[89] A book review in The Washington Post reported that "Antifa tactics include 'no platforming,' i.e. denying their targets the opportunity to speak out in public; obstructing their events and defacing their propaganda; and, when antifa activists deem it necessary, deploying violence to deter them."[75] According to National Public Radio, antifa's "approach is confrontational" and "people who speak for the Antifa movement acknowledge they sometimes carry clubs and sticks."[91] CNN describes antifa as "known for causing damage to property during protests."[80] Scott Crow says that antifa adherents believe that property destruction does not "equate to violence".[80] According to the Los Angeles Times, antifa protesters have engaged in "mob violence, attacking a small showing of supporters of President Trump and others they accused, sometimes inaccurately, of being white supremacists or Nazis."[92] Antifa activists also used clubs and dyed liquids against white supremacists in Charlottesville.[93] Media have reported on specific instances of antifa protesters harassing or attacking journalists or causing damage to their equipment, while they were documenting protests — namely reporters of The Washington Post,[94] a contributor to VICE and Reuters,[95] and others.[96][97] According to The Kansas City Star, police asked persons carrying firearms (including both antifa members and members of the far-right militia movement group Three Percenters) at a September 2017 rally in Kansas City to remove ammunition from their weapons.[98]

Apart from the other activities, antifa activists engage in mutual aid such as disaster response in the case of Hurricane Harvey.[99][100][101] According to Natasha Lennard in The Nation, antifa groups as of January 2017 were working with interfaith groups and churches "to create a New Sanctuary Movement, continuing and expanding a 40-year-old practice of providing spaces for refugees and immigrants."[102]

Antifa activists often use the black bloc tactic in which people dress in black and cover their faces in order to thwart surveillance and create a sense of equality and solidarity among participants.[103] Antifa activists wear masks to hide their "identity from protestors on the other side (who might dox people they disagree with) or from police and cameras" and for philosophical reasons such as the beliefs that "hierarchies are bad and that remaining anonymous helps keep one's ego in check."[104] Joseph Bernstein from BuzzFeed News says that antifa activists also wear masks because "they fear retribution from the far right and the cops, whom they believe are sympathetic if not outright supportive to fascists."[105]

When antifa became prominent in the news during the George Floyd protests and was under attack for being responsible for much, if not most of the violence, a report in Vox stated that "[m]embers of antifa groups do more conventional activism, flyer campaigns, and community organizing, on behalf of anti-racist and anti-white nationalist causes", quoting Mark Bray as saying that this was the "vast majority" of what they did.[4] In July 2020, The Guardian reported that "a California-based organizer and anti-fascist activist" stated she saw "Trump's claims about antifa violence, particularly during the George Floyd protests, as a message to his 'hardcore' supporters that it was appropriate to attack people who came out to protest."[23] In August 2020, many small business owners interviewed by The New York Times in what was the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone in Seattle blamed people they identified as antifa for much of the violence and intimidation of their patrons while distinguishing antifa from Black Lives Matter.[58]

Notable actions

Along with black bloc activists, antifa groups were among those who protested the 2016 election of Donald Trump.[9][68][102] Antifa activists also participated in the February 2017 Berkeley protests against alt-right provocateur[106][107][108] speaker Milo Yiannopoulos, where antifa gained mainstream attention,[52] with media reporting antifa protesters "throwing Molotov cocktails and smashing windows"[80] and causing $100,000 worth of damage.[109]

In August 2017, antifa counter-protesters at the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, reported The New York Times, "used clubs and dyed liquids against the white supremacists."[93] Groups preparing to protest the Boston Free Speech Rally saw their plans become viral following the violence in Charlottesville. The event drew a largely peaceful crowd of 40,000 counter-protesters. In The Atlantic, McKay Coppins stated that the 33 people arrested for violent incidents were "mostly egged on by the minority of 'Antifa' agitators in the crowd."[110]

President Trump described the protesters outside his August 2017 rally in Phoenix, Arizona as "antifa".[111]

During the Berkeley protests on August 27, 2017, an estimated one hundred antifa and anarchist protesters joined a crowd of 2,000–4,000 other protesters to confront alt-right demonstrators and Trump supporters who showed up for a "Say No to Marxism" rally that had been cancelled by organizers due to security concerns.[109][112][113] Following the incident, Jesse Arreguin, the mayor of Berkeley, suggested classifying the city's antifa as a gang.[114]

In November 2018, police investigated a left-wing group associated with antifa, Smash Racism D.C., following a protest by 12-20 people outside the home of The Daily Caller founder Tucker Carlson, who they accused of being a racist and white supremacist.[115][116] Activists of the group defaced the driveway of Carlson's property by spray-painting an anarchist symbol on it.[117][118][119][120][121][122][123]

Public reactions

Academics, scholars and activists

Historian Mark Bray, who has studied the antifa movement, stated that "[g]iven the historical and current threat that white supremacist and fascist groups pose, it's clear to me that organized, collective self-defense is not only a legitimate response, but lamentably an all-too-necessary response to this threat on too many occasions."[20] Alexander Reid Ross, a lecturer in geography and an author on the contemporary right, has argued that antifa groups represented "one of the best models for channeling the popular reflexes and spontaneous movements towards confronting fascism in organized and focused ways."[124]

Historian and Dissent magazine editor Michael Kazin wrote that "[n]on-leftists often see the left as a disruptive, lawless force. Violence tends to confirm that view."[125] Historian Ruth Ben-Ghiat was "worried that antifa's methods could feed into what she said were false equivalencies that seek to lump violence on the left with attacks by the right." Ben-Ghiat argued that "[t]hrowing a milkshake is not equivalent to killing someone, but because the people in power are allied with the right, any provocation, any dissent against right-wing violence, backfires", with the effect that "[m]ilitancy on the left" can "become a justification for those in power and allies on the right to crack down" on the left.[2]

Peter Beinart, a professor of journalism and political science, wrote that "[a]ntifa believes it is pursuing the opposite of authoritarianism. Many of its activists oppose the very notion of a centralized state. But in the name of protecting the vulnerable, antifascists have granted themselves the authority to decide which Americans may publicly assemble and which may not. That authority rests on no democratic foundation. [...] The people preventing Republicans from safely assembling on the streets of Portland may consider themselves fierce opponents of the authoritarianism growing on the American right. In truth, however, they are its unlikeliest allies."[9]

Anti-racist public intellectual Cornel West, who attended a counter-protest to the Unite the Right rally, said in an interview that "we would have been crushed like cockroaches if it were not for the anarchists and the anti-fascists", describing a situation where a group of 20 counter-protesters were surrounded by marchers whom he described as "neofascists".[126][127][128]

Veteran radical activist Noam Chomsky described antifa as "a major gift to the right", arguing that "the movement was self-destructive and constituted a tiny faction on the periphery of the left."[21] Eleanor Penny, an author on fascism and the far-right, argued against Chomsky that "physical resistance has time and again protected local populations from racist violence, and prevented a gathering caucus of fascists from making further inroads into mainstream politics".[21] Natasha Lennard has argued against Chomsky and others, citing Richard B. Spencer's suspension of his college tour in March 2018, as "a sharp rebuttal to the glut of claims that antifa practices serve as a gift to the far right."[129][51]

Civil rights organizations

In 2020, the ADL said that while there have been hundreds of murders by far-right groups in the last few decades, there has only been one suspected antifa-related murder.[130]

According to the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), designating antifa as a domestic terrorist organization is dangerous and a threat to civil liberties.[131] The SPLC also reported that antifa members "have been involved in skirmishes and property crimes, 'but the threat of lethal violence pales in comparison to that posed by far-right extremists.'"[132]

Law enforcement and officials

In June 2017, the antifa movement was linked to "anarchist extremism" by the New Jersey Office of Homeland Security and Preparedness.[133] This assessment was replaced with one in 2019 which states that "Antifa is a movement that focuses on issues involving racism, sexism, and anti-Semitism, as well as other perceived injustices. The majority of Antifa members do not promote or endorse violence; however, the movement consists of anarchist extremists and other individuals who seek to carry out acts of violence in order to forward their respective agendas."[134] In September 2017, Politico obtained confidential documents and interviews indicating that the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) believed that "anarchist extremists" were the primary instigators of violence at public rallies against a range of targets in April 2016.[135]

In July 2020, FBI Director Christopher A. Wray, who had stated in a press release[136] on June 4 that "anarchists like Antifa" are "exploiting this situation to pursue violent, extremist agendas",[137] testified to the Senate Judiciary Committee that the agency "considers antifa more of an ideology than an organization"[138] which was later reiterated the same year in a September 17 remark to lawmakers.[48] This contradicted President Trump's remarks about antifa and put Wray at odds with the Trump administration.[48] According to the Associated Press, Wray "did not dispute that antifa activists were a serious concern", stating that antifa was a "real thing" and that the FBI had undertaken "any number of properly predicated investigations into what we would describe as violent anarchist extremists", including into individuals who identify with antifa, whom the FBI identified as "a movement or an ideology" rather than as "a group or an organization".[48] Wray stated that "racially motivated violent extremists, such as white supremacists, have been responsible for the most lethal attacks in the U.S. in recent years", although "this year the most lethal violence has come from anti-government activists, such as anarchists and militia-types."[48]

Three August 2020 DHS draft reports did not mention antifa as a domestic terrorism risk and ranked white supremacy as the top risk, higher than that of foreign terrorist groups.[41]

Members of Congress

On August 29, 2017, Nancy Pelosi, then House Minority Leader for the Democratic Party, condemned the violence of antifa activists in Berkeley.[14]

In July 2019, Republican Senators Bill Cassidy and Ted Cruz introduced a nonbinding resolution that would designate antifa a domestic terrorist organization.[139]

In June 2020, Republican Senator Tom Cotton advocated using military force to quell nationwide protests against police brutality and racism, calling for the 101st Airborne Division to be deployed to combat what he called "Antifa terrorists".[16] Cruz accused "Antifa protesters" of "organizing these acts of terror"[17] and called for "systematic law enforcement targeting Antifa and other terrorist groups".[140]

In September 2020, Democratic Party presidential candidate Joe Biden also condemned antifa violent actions, having already condemned violence across the political spectrum and expressed his support for peaceful protests.[15][76][141]

Trump administration

In August 2017, a petition was lodged with the White House petitioning system We the People calling upon President Donald Trump to formally classify "AntiFa" as terrorist. The White House responded in 2018 that federal law does not have a mechanism for formally designating domestic terrorist organizations.[142][143][144] The writer of the petition later stated he had created it to "bring our broken right side together" and to "prop up antifa as a punching bag".[145]

In 2017, Politico interviewed unidentified law enforcement officials who noted a rise in activity since the beginning of the Trump administration, particularly a rise in recruitment and on the part of the far right as well since the Charlottesville Unite the Right rally. One internal assessment acknowledged an inability to penetrate the groups' "diffuse and decentralized organizational structure". By 2017, the FBI and the DHS reported that they were monitoring suspicious antifa activity in relation to terrorism.[135]

During the nationwide protests following the murder of George Floyd in May and June 2020, Attorney General William Barr blamed the violence on "anarchic and far left extremist groups using Antifa-like tactics"[146] and described the actions of "Antifa and other similar groups" as "domestic terrorism",[147] echoing similar statements by National Security Advisor Robert C. O'Brien.[148] In Twitter posts and other statements, Trump blamed "ANTIFA and the Radical Left" for violence[146][149] and repeatedly pledged that the federal government would designate antifa as a "Terrorist Organization".[150][151][152][153] However, Trump lacks the authority to do so because under existing law the federal government may designate only foreign organizations as terrorist and antifa is a loosely associated movement rather than a specific organization.[154][155][156] Legal experts, among others, believe that designating antifa as a terrorist group would be unconstitutional, raising First Amendment and due process issues.[37][38] According to historian Mark Bray, antifa cannot be designated as a terrorist organization because "[t]he groups are loosely organized, and they aren't large enough to cause everything Trump blames them for." In addition, Bray argued that the political right has attempted to "blame everything on antifa" during the George Floyd protests and that in assuming antifa to be "predominantly white", it "evince[s] a kind of racism that assumes that black people couldn't organize on this deep and wide of a scale."[39]

On June 2, 2020, The Nation reported on a copy of an FBI Washington Field Office internal situation report it had obtained which stated that the FBI had "no intelligence indicating Antifa involvement/presence" in the violent May 31 D.C.-area protests.[157] Two days later, Barr claimed that "[w]e have evidence that antifa and other similar extremist groups, as well as actors of a variety of different political persuasions have been involved in instigating and participating in the violent activity."[158] However, the Trump administration has provided no evidence for its claims[159] and there is no evidence that antifa-aligned individuals played a role in instigating the protests or violence, or that antifa played a significant role in the protests.[138][160][159] According to Bray, while "confident that some members of antifa groups have participated in a variety of forms of resistance" during the protests, it is "impossible to ascertain the exact number of people who belong to antifa groups."[39][161] As of June 9, 2020, none of the 51 people facing federal charges were alleged to have links to antifa.[162] As of September 16, 2020, no antifa or left-wing group has been charged in connection with the civil unrest.[163]

In an August 2020 interview, Trump asserted "people that are in the dark shadows" control his Democratic presidential opponent Joe Biden and then claimed that "we had somebody get on a plane from a certain city this weekend, and in the plane it was almost completely loaded with thugs, wearing these dark uniforms, black uniforms, with gear and this and that", adding that "they're people that are on the streets. They're people that are controlling the streets." Antifa activists commonly dress in black.[164] Trump's remarks were similar to false social media rumors during preceding months that planes and buses full of antifa gangs were preparing to invade communities, allegedly funded by George Soros.[165][166][167] Two days after Trump's remarks, Barr asserted he knew antifa activists "are flying around the country" and "we are following them".[168] However, there is no evidence of any such flight.[164] According to Reuters, "[l]aw enforcement, intelligence and Congressional officials familiar with official reporting on weeks of protests and related arrests said on Tuesday they were aware of no incidents or reports that would confirm Trump's anecdote."[168]

In a September 2020 whistleblower complaint,[169] Brian Murphy, who was the Under Secretary of Homeland Security for Intelligence and Analysis until August 2020, asserted that DHS secretary Chad Wolf and his deputy Ken Cuccinelli instructed him "to modify intelligence assessments to ensure they matched up with the public comments by President Trump on the subject of ANTIFA and 'anarchist' groups."[170] On September 18, 2020, Trump publicly criticized FBI Director Christopher A. Wray and hinted that he could fire him over Wray's testimony about antifa and Russian interference in the 2020 United States elections.[171][172][173]

On September 25, 2020, the Trump campaign released details of a "Platinum Plan for Black America", under which "Antifa" and the Ku Klux Klan would be prosecuted as terrorist organizations.[174][175]

On January 9, 2025, Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene introduced House Resolution 26, titled "Deeming certain conduct of members of Antifa as domestic terrorism and designating Antifa as a domestic terrorist organization." The goal of the resolution is to classify Antifa as a domestic terrorist organization, and to call upon the Department of Justice to both prosecute crimes of Antifa and to use "all available tools and resources" to "combat the spread of such terrorism" by Antifa.[176]

Hoaxes and conspiracy theories

Conspiracy theories about antifa that tend to incorrectly portray antifa as a single organization with leaders and secret sources of funding have been spread by right-wing activists, media organizations and politicians,[177][178] including Trump administration officials[132][76][179][180] and the 2020 Trump campaign.[181]

#PunchWhiteWomen (2017)

In August 2017, a #PunchWhiteWomen photo hoax campaign was spread by fake antifa Twitter accounts.[182][183] Bellingcat researcher Eliot Higgins discovered an image of British actress Anna Friel portraying a battered woman in a 2007 Women's Aid anti-domestic violence campaign that had been re-purposed using fake antifa Twitter accounts organized by way of 4chan. The image is captioned "53% of white women voted for Trump, 53% of white women should look like this" and includes an antifa flag. Another image featuring an injured woman is captioned "She chose to be a Nazi. Choices have consequences" and includes the hashtag #PunchANazi. Higgins remarked to the BBC that "[t]his was a transparent and quite pathetic attempt, but I wouldn't be surprised if white nationalist groups try to mount more sophisticated attacks in the future".[31] A similar fake image circulated on social media after the Unite the Right rally in 2017. The doctored image, actually from a 2009 riot in Athens, was altered to make it look like someone wearing an antifa symbol attacking a policeman with a flag.[184] After the 2017 Las Vegas shooting, similar hoaxes falsely claimed that the shooter was an antifa "member"; another such hoax involved a fake antifa Twitter account praising the shooting.[185][186] Another high-profile fake antifa account was banned from Twitter after it posted with a geotag originating in Russia.[32] Such fake antifa accounts have been repeatedly reported on as real by right-leaning media outlets.[30][35]

"Antifa civil war" (2017)

In October 2017, a conspiracy theory claiming that antifa groups were planning a violent insurrection or civil war the following month spread on YouTube and was advanced by far-right figures including Alex Jones, Lucian Wintrich, Paul Joseph Watson, and Steven Crowder.[187][188][189][190][191] The basis for the conspiracy theory was a series of protests against Donald Trump organized by the group Refuse Fascism.[187][188][189][192] The protests passed off as planned without causing significant disruption.[193]

"Antifa Manual" (2017)

A fake "Antifa Manual" has circulated online, debunked by Snopes in 2017.[72] According to the ADL, the language used in the document appears designed to sow division and features many statements that do not align with the sentiments of anti-fascist organizers, often clumsily mimicking "left wing" rhetoric.[194] The same images continued to be shared on social media in posts about the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests, including a Twitter post by alt-lite conspiracy theorist Jack Posobiec.[194][195]

8chan list (2018)

This section is an excerpt from 8chan § Louisiana Police's antifa list.
In September 2018, the Louisiana State Police were scrutinized for using a hoax list of personal information about supposed antifa activists originally posted on 8chan's politics board. The document, dubbed "full list of antifa.docx" by police officers, actually contained the names of several thousand people who signed online petitions against then President Donald Trump. The State Police has refused to disclose the list, claiming it would "compromise" ongoing criminal investigations in which it expects arrests. A lawsuit against Louisiana State Police was filed on behalf of the record requester by Harvard lecturer and former public defender Thomas Frampton, alleging that the Police's refusal to release the list indicates that it actually believed the credibility of the hoax list and used it in investigations and litigations.[196][197][198]

George Floyd protests (2020)

During the nationwide George Floyd protests against police brutality and racism in May and June 2020, false claims of impending antifa activity circulated through social media platforms, causing alarm in at least 41 towns and cities.[199] On May 31, 2020, @ANTIFA_US, a newly created Twitter account, attempted to incite violence relating to the protests. The next day, after determining that it was linked to the white nationalist group Identity Evropa, Twitter suspended the fake account.[200] The FBI's Washington Field Office report stated that members of a far-right group on social media had "called for far-right provocateurs to attack federal agents, use automatic weapons against protesters" during the D.C.-area protests over Floyd's murder on May 31, 2020.[157]

Conservative news organizations, pro-Trump individuals using social media, and impostor social media accounts propagated false rumors that antifa groups were traveling to small cities, suburbs, and rural communities to instigate unrest during the protests.[201] In May and June 2020, Lara Logan repeatedly promoted hoaxes as part of Fox News' coverage of antifa, including publishing a false document she described as an antifa battle plan and claiming that a joke about juggalos was evidence of a clandestine antifa hierarchy.[202] In an appearance on Fox News's The Ingraham Angle in June 2020, Trump's personal attorney Rudy Giuliani claimed that "Antifa" as well as "Black Lives Matter" and unspecified communists were working together to "do away with our system of courts" and "take your property away and give it to other people", asserting without evidence that they receive significant funding from an outside source. Giuliani had previously criticized George Soros, who has been a frequent target of conspiracy theories, claiming he funded such groups and demonstrations.[203]

In June, 2020, the California Highway Patrol's air unit launched a search for "antifa buses" in response to Instagram and Facebook posts showing a van with the slogan "Black Lives Matter" written on it.[204] Later in June 2020, a multiracial family on a camping trip in Forks, Washington, were accused of being antifa activists, harassed and trapped in their campsite when trees were felled to block the road.[205][206][207] In Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, groups of armed right-wing vigilantes occupied streets in response to false rumors that antifa activists were planning to travel to the city while similar rumors led to threats being made against activists planning peaceful protests in Sonora, California.[208] In Klamath Falls, Oregon, hundreds of people, most of whom were armed, assembled in response to false rumors that antifa activists would target the city, spread by a commander in the Oregon Air National Guard.[167]

In an August 2020 interview, Trump spread a similar conspiracy theory, claiming that "thugs, wearing these dark uniforms, black uniforms, with gear and this and that" had boarded a plane to Washington, D.C. to disrupt the 2020 Republican National Convention.[164] Also in August 2020, a fake antifa website began to redirect users to the Joe Biden 2020 presidential campaign website.[209][210] Although this has been described as "clearly a ploy to associate the Democratic Party with antifa", some on the right seized upon it.[76][211]

A 2021 Department of Homeland Security (DHS) internal report found that senior DHS officials had sought to portray the 2020 protests in Portland, Oregon, without evidence, as an organized effort by antifa to attack government institutions, and had ordered staff to characterize protests as "Violent Antifa Anarchist Inspired".[212]

A study by Zignal Labs found that unsubstantiated claims of antifa involvement were one of three dominant themes in misinformation and conspiracy theories around the protests, alongside claims that Floyd's murder had been faked and claims of involvement by George Soros.[178] Some of the opposition to antifa activism has also been artificial in nature. Nafeesa Syeed of Bloomberg News reported that "[t]he most-tweeted link in the Russian-linked network followed by the researchers was a petition to declare Antifa a terrorist group".[213]

Capitol attack (2021)

Immediately after the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol, a false claim that it was a false flag operation staged by antifa to implicate Trump supporters was spread by a number of Trump loyalists including Representative Mo Brooks, Mark Burns, Lou Dobbs, California State Senate minority leader Shannon Grove, Laura Ingraham, Mike Lindell, former Governor of Alaska Sarah Palin, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, actor Kevin Sorbo, Eric Trump and L. Lin Wood.[214][215] The conspiracy theory began on 4chan and similar websites before spreading to more mainstream conservative news sites.[216] Representative Paul Gosar was the first member of Congress to claim that people associated with antifa were responsible for the attack.[215] During Trump's second impeachment trial, his attorney Michael van der Veen stated that "One of the first people arrested was the leader of antifa."[217]

In posts on Parler, leaders of the Proud Boys had disclosed plans to attend the rally wearing "all black" clothing associated with antifa activists and arrive "incognito" in an apparent effort to shift blame for any violence on antifa.[218][219]

A false claim that a facial recognition software company had identified participants in the incursion as antifa activists originated in a report by Rowan Scarborough published in The Washington Times, and was promoted on the U.S. House floor by Representative Matt Gaetz. The Washington Times retracted the story and issued a correction the next day.[220]

The FBI said there was no evidence of antifa involvement in the mob incursion.[221][222][223][224]

The conspiracy was also promoted by Republican Senator Ron Johnson.[225] A poll released in February 2021 by the American Enterprise Institute found that 30% of Americans (including 50% of Republicans and 20% of Democrats) believe antifa was mostly responsible for the violence that happened in the riots at the U.S. Capitol.[226][227]

Analyses and studies

Questions on how effective antifa is and whether it is a reasonable response have been raised and discussed by news media.[4][51][228][229]

In relation to the events of the Unite the Right rally, a 2018 study conducted by professor of criminology Gary LaFree on the link between antifa and terrorism concluded that "while the events share many characteristics of terrorist attacks", the actions by antifa supporters during this event "do not include all of the elements of terrorism required by the GTD". Whereas it fulfilled the requirements of an action led by "sub-national actors" with "violence or threat of violence", it lacked in particular the "intentionality of the incident", that is the "result of a conscious calculation on the part of the perpetrators." LaFree also questioned "whether antifa can be considered to constitute a 'group' at this point in time" and stressed "how complicated it is to distinguish terrorism from other forms of illegal violence" such as those by antifa supporters.[230]

In June 2020, the think tank Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) assembled a database of 893 terrorism incidents in the United States beginning in 1994.[23][66][231] An analysis of the database conducted by The Guardian in July 2020 found no murders linked to antifa or anti-fascism since 1994. According to The Guardian, the only death resulting from an anti-fascist attack recorded in the database was that of Willem van Spronsen, who was shot dead by police while allegedly firebombing a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention center in Tacoma, Washington, in 2019. In contrast, the study highlighted the fact that 329 people were killed by American white supremacists or other right-wing extremists during the same period. The Guardian quoted Heidi Beirich, a co-founder of the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism, as saying that "Antifa is not going around murdering people like rightwing extremists are. It's a false equivalence. I've at times been critical of antifa for getting into fights with Nazis at rallies and that kind of violence, but I can't think of one case in which an antifa person was accused of murder." Seth Jones, a counter-terrorism expert who led the creation of the CSIS's database, told The Guardian that "[l]eftwing violence has not been a major terrorism threat" and that "the most significant domestic terrorism threat comes from white supremacists, anti-government militias and a handful of individuals associated with the 'boogaloo' movement that are attempting to create a civil war in the United States."[23]

The CSIS database was updated in October 2020 to include the suspected killing of Aaron Danielson by Michael Reinoehl.[23] In September 2020, when the investigation was still ongoing, Brian Levin said that if Reinoehl was implicated, it would mark the first case in recent history of an antifa supporter being charged with homicide.[232] Reinoehl was charged by Portland police with second-degree murder and was later shot and killed by a federally led fugitive task force near Lacey, Washington.[233][234] Reinoehl self-identified as antifa but was not associated with Rose City Antifa or the Portland-based anti-fascist organization Popular Mobilization.[235]

Voice of America, a US state-owned international radio broadcaster, summarized a report by the Network Contagion Research Institute as stating that "far-left movements such as antifa, while decentralized and seen as less lethal than their counterparts on the far right, are just as capable of turning peaceful protests into violent confrontations with law enforcement". According to Voice of America, "the Justice Department has not charged any left-wing groups in connection with the civil unrest, and extremism experts say while the threat of violence from antifa is real, organized groups on the far right pose a greater threat of violence." Josh Lipowsky, a senior research analyst with the Counter Extremism Project, stated that "the decentralized antifa movement poses a lesser threat than the better organized groups on the far right."[163]

See also

References

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  203. Graziosi, Graig (June 23, 2020). "Rudy Giuliani says Black Lives Matter 'wants to come and take your house away from you' in Fox News rant". The Independent. Archived from the original on May 7, 2022. Retrieved June 27, 2020.normal
  204. Levin, Sam (August 23, 2021). "Revealed: how California police chased a nonexistent 'antifa bus'". The Guardian. Archived from the original on October 2, 2021. Retrieved October 2, 2021.normal
  205. "Family harassed in Forks after being accused of being members of Antifa". Peninsula Daily News. June 5, 2020. Archived from the original on June 5, 2020. Retrieved June 5, 2020.normal
  206. "Deputies investigate after family on camping trip harassed". June 5, 2020. Archived from the original on June 5, 2020. Retrieved June 5, 2020.normal
  207. Gstalter, Morgan (June 5, 2020). "Family camping in Washington harassed by locals, accused of being antifa members". The Hill. Archived from the original on June 5, 2020. Retrieved June 5, 2020.normal
  208. Wilson, Jason (June 6, 2020). "Rightwing vigilantes on armed patrol after fake rumours of antifa threat". The Guardian. Archived from the original on June 6, 2020. Retrieved June 6, 2020.normal
  209. Fauzia, Miriam. "Fact check: Antifa.com redirects to Joe Biden's website, but Biden campaign not involved". USA Today. Archived from the original on May 26, 2021. Retrieved May 18, 2021.normal
  210. "Fact check: Antifa.com does redirect to Joebiden.com, but this is not proof of a link between the two". Reuters. September 1, 2020. Archived from the original on May 18, 2021. Retrieved May 18, 2021.normal
  211. "Antifa website redirected to Biden's campaign site causes right-wing conspiracy meltdown". The Independent. August 13, 2020. Archived from the original on May 7, 2022. Retrieved May 18, 2021.normal
  212. Levinson, Jonathan; Wilson, Conrad (October 1, 2021). "Senior Homeland Security leaders pushed unfounded antifa conspiracy at 2020 Portland protests, report states". Oregon Public Broadcasting. Archived from the original on November 4, 2021. Retrieved November 11, 2021.normal
  213. Syeed, Nafeesa (September 1, 2017). "Pro-Russian Bots Sharpen Online Attacks for 2018 U.S. Vote". Bloomberg.com. Bloomberg News. Archived from the original on November 17, 2017. Retrieved November 7, 2017.normal
  214. Capitol attack conspiracy theorists:
  215. ^ a b Demsas, Jerusalem (January 7, 2021). "The far right is falsely blaming antifa for the pro-Trump insurrection on Capitol Hill". Vox. Archived from the original on January 7, 2021. Retrieved January 7, 2021.normal
  216. Bajak, Aleszu; Zarracina, Javier (January 13, 2021). "How the antifa conspiracy theory traveled from the fringe to the floor of Congress". USA Today. Archived from the original on January 18, 2021. Retrieved February 1, 2021.normal
  217. Qiu, Linda (February 13, 2021). "Trump's Lawyers Repeated Inaccurate Claims in Impeachment Trial". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 28, 2021.normal
  218. Zitser, Joshua (January 3, 2021). "Far-right group Proud Boys claim they will attend January 6 DC rally 'incognito' and wear all-black to blend in with antifa protesters". Business Insider. Insider Inc. Archived from the original on January 12, 2021. Retrieved January 8, 2021.normal
  219. "Proud Boys Spent Weeks Planning the U.S. Capitol Siege; Leader Ethan Nordean Poses a 'Serious Risk of Flight': Prosecutors". February 6, 2021. Archived from the original on February 12, 2021. Retrieved February 8, 2021.normal
  220. Mulder, Brandon (January 8, 2021). "Fact-check: Did antifa storm Capitol Hill?". Austin American-Statesman. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.normal
  221. Alba, Davey (January 8, 2021). "F.B.I. says there is no evidence antifa participated in storming the Capitol". The New York Times. Archived from the original on October 9, 2020. Retrieved January 9, 2021.normal
  222. Zadrozny, Brandy (January 6, 2021). "Trump loyalists push evidence-free claims that antifa activists fueled mob". NBC News. Archived from the original on January 7, 2021. Retrieved January 7, 2021.normal
  223. Bajak, Aleszu (January 12, 2021). "How the antifa conspiracy theory traveled from the fringe to the floor of Congress". USA Today. Archived from the original on February 16, 2021. Retrieved June 23, 2021.normal
  224. O'Rourke, Clara (January 8, 2021). "No, the FBI didn't confirm antifa activists breached the Capitol". PolitiFact. Archived from the original on February 7, 2021. Retrieved June 23, 2021.normal
  225. Michael M. Grynbaum, Davey Alba, and Reid J. Epstein, How Pro-Trump Forces Pushed a Lie About Antifa at the Capitol Riot Archived December 28, 2021, at Ghost Archive, New York Times (March 1, 2021).
  226. "After the ballots are counted: Conspiracies, political violence, and American exceptionalism". The Survey Center on American Life. Archived from the original on February 18, 2021. Retrieved February 19, 2021.normal
  227. Bump, Philip. "Analysis | Half of Republicans say that the Capitol violence was mostly antifa's fault". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Archived from the original on February 14, 2021. Retrieved February 19, 2021.normal
  228. Wilson, Jacon (March 19, 2018). "The alt-right is in decline. Has antifascist activism worked?". The Guardian. Archived from the original on October 27, 2020. Retrieved October 24, 2020.normal
  229. Hess, Amanda (August 15, 2017). "America Is Struggling to Sort Out Where 'Violence' Begins and Ends". The New York Times. Archived from the original on October 27, 2020. Retrieved October 24, 2020.normal
  230. LaFree, Gary (2018). "Is Antifa a Terrorist Group?". Society. 55 (3): 248–252. doi:10.1007/s12115-018-0246-x. S2CID 149530376.normal
  231. Pasley, James. "Trump frequently accuses the far-left of inciting violence, yet right-wing extremists have killed 329 victims in the last 25 years, while antifa members haven't killed any, according to a new study". Business Insider. Archived from the original on August 7, 2020. Retrieved October 6, 2020.normal
  232. Farivar, Masood (September 1, 2020). "Antifa Protester Implicated in Killing of Trump Supporter in Oregon". Voice of America. Archived from the original on October 23, 2020. Retrieved October 23, 2020.normal
  233. Bernstein, Maxine (September 5, 2020). "Michael Reinoehl appeared to target right-wing demonstrator before fatal shooting in Portland, police say". The Oregonian. Archived from the original on March 14, 2021. Retrieved April 2, 2021. Portland police obtained a warrant Thursday afternoon charging Reinoehl with second-degree murder with a weapon and unlawful use of a weapon.normal
  234. Baker, Mike; Golden, Hallie; Goldman, Adam (September 3, 2020). "Suspect in Fatal Portland Shooting Is Killed by Officers During Arrest". The New York Times. Archived from the original on November 10, 2021. Retrieved June 22, 2022.normal
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Further reading

External links


~A.
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How To Deal With Your MAGA Relatives Without Ruining Relationships, According To Cult Experts

How To Deal With Your MAGA Relatives Without Ruining Relationships, According To Cult Experts | HuffPost Life

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/maga-cult-expert-advice_l_68473f55e4b0682b100b227c

???(b/s)  Alex Jones Agrees MAGA Is A Cult. So We Asked Cult Experts How To Deal With (Biden/Trump)-Loving Relatives.

Here's expert advice on how to talk to loved ones who are deep in the MAGA cult — and if there's any hope of getting them out.

Know when to argue, when to ask questions and when to uphold boundaries with friends or family who have all-in on the MAGA cult.

skynesher via Getty Images

Know when to argue, when to ask questions and when to uphold boundaries with friends or family who have all-in on the MAGA cult.

In an era where misinformation spreads faster than the truth, and political extremism often feels more like a full belief system than a policy stance, many of us have found ourselves in painfully surreal situations having challenging conversations with loved ones who are devoted to President Donald Trump.

Unsurprisingly, the word "cult" has been thrown around over the years to describe MAGA die-hards who believe Trump can do no wrong. Most recently, far-right pundit Alex Jones responded on X, formerly Twitter, with "I am not in your cult" while responding to Trump fans who were angry he was among voices calling for more clarity on the claims Elon Musk made about his alleged connection to the Epstein files. So it seems the assessment has caught on.

Interactions with folks who fall into the cult-y category aren't just absurd or frustrating. Often, they're just heartbreaking. How do you keep a relationship alive when someone you care about seems captured by a worldview that's not only disconnected from reality, but openly hostile?

This guide was born from that question. We spoke with experts in cult recovery and high-control groups, including those familiar with the tactics, language and emotional binds of movements like MAGA to bring you practical tools for navigating these encounters.

These aren't scripts to win an argument or "deprogram" someone in one conversation. Instead, they are strategies to help you make it through these (often exhausting) interactions and respond as best you can to those you love.

Ask a good question.

First and foremost, you have to remember who it is that you're speaking to, explained Steven Hassan, Ph.D., founder and director of Freedom of Mind Resource Center, and author of "The Cult of Trump."

"If you're speaking with someone who is a relative or a childhood friend, you can go back in your mind to remember who they were before, and keep telling yourself they're still there," said Hassan. "They've been hacked. They're going to come out. So how can I help them just realize for themselves that they're not happy there?"

From there, he said to remember those good memories and focus on cultivating a warm and curious rapport that is centered around simple, effective and concise questions that you already know the answers to.

The questions can be along the lines of "Tell me more about why you believe this to be true?" or "Where did you get this information from?"

"And then be patient and quiet while the person thinks and responds," said Hassan. "And I often recommend to my clients to mirror back by saying, 'So did I understand you correctly?' 'You believe this and this and this?', and the person gets to say 'yes' and know that you were really listening to them, and then you ask a follow-up question and a follow-up question."

From there, the person you're speaking with will understand that you're truly listening and trying to understand, which can help to build a respectful relationship that can allow for further dialogue.

Come prepared with your own gentle rebuttal.

"Remember that a lot of people are genuinely ensnared by manipulative systems of belief," Daniella Mestyanek Young, cult survivor and author of "Uncultured," said. "They didn't choose misinformation so much as fall into it, often due to loneliness, fear or a need for significance."

She suggested some ways you can respond:

  • "I've looked into this, and it's actually been widely debunked. Would you be open to reading a source I trust?"
  • "I know this feels true, but it's coming from a site known for disinformation. Can I share why I'm concerned?"
  • "It's really hard to talk about this stuff with all the false information out there. Maybe we can focus on something else?"

"You're not likely to change their mind in a single message," said Young. "But you can plant a seed of doubt — especially if you do it with kindness, not condescension."

Know your own triggers and theirs.

The last thing you want to do is get entangled in an argument where everyone leaves the conversation more angry and isolated than they were before.

"One of the critical things is self-awareness," Hassan said. "It's important to understand triggers and how to neutralize triggers. This is going to take time, but identify the key points in them that's going to help them exit, as opposed to what's important to me, for me to have them in my life again."

He adds that these people have been brainwashed, and attacking or coming at them with hostility is only going to make them retreat further into their own belief system. People do not like to be isolated from family and friends. Unsurprisingly, they generally respond to love and respect and kindness and praise.

"And the good news is that it's not a permanent condition," said Hassan. "Human beings can change and grow."

Be prepared to (safely) disengage.

Of course, there might be instances where keeping that door open to communication might just be too much or too hard, and that's where you have every right to back away.

Young recommends saying phrases like:

  • "I love you too much to argue with you about this."
  • "I've learned that these conversations don't feel good or helpful to me. I'm setting a boundary."
  • "I want to focus on connecting with you, not debating you."
  • "Let's keep this space politics-free."

And if they keep pushing, remember: Boundaries aren't about changing their behavior — they're about protecting your peace.

"You can step away," Young said. "You're not obligated to stay in conversations that harm you, especially when they're built on misinformation or power games."

Keep a tether to your previous relationship.

Connection doesn't always mean agreement. It means curiosity, boundaries and a willingness to stay grounded in your own values — even when the people you love most are swept up in something you no longer recognize.

"We're living through a time of spiritual intoxication, where misinformation is more than a problem — it's a path to belonging for some people," Young said. "And so the most radical thing you can do might be the quiet, grounded choice: not to argue, but to refuse to play the game. Remember: The goal isn't always to win the argument. Sometimes the goal is just to stay whole in the face of it."

"A life raft doesn't have to be big — it just has to float."

- Daniella Mestyanek Young, cult survivor and author

Even if it feels impossible to have meaningful conversations, keeping a light tether to the relationship can be incredibly important. This is because one of the most hidden — and cruel — exit costs for people leaving cults, extremist groups, or even online rabbit holes is that they have to admit they were wrong.

"That's a brutal kind of shame," said Young. "Sometimes the thing that keeps people stuck in a harmful ideology is not the belief itself — it's the fear of what it will cost them to walk away."

They have to go back to the people they cut off or belittled and say, "You were right, and I got conned."

?…tear your family apart? there's no winning, just pain and derision.

"So, even if all you can manage is sending a birthday text or commenting on a photo of their dog, that thread of connection might one day be the thing they use to climb back out," she continued. "A life raft doesn't have to be big — it just has to float."


~A.
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Friday, June 06, 2025

John Donne-cousin

from Avery History….


"(Parting) thoughts come now from the long dorment quill of John Donne, who was an English contemporary of our Avery forebears, a dean of Old St. Paul's Cathedral in London, and the author of a piece known as "Meditation XVII," which he included in his larger publication titled Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions published four hundred years ago in 1624. It is within the body of "Meditation XVII" that timeless words of Donne's may be found"

…No man is an island, entire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main. If a clod be washed away by the sea, Europe is the less, as well as if a promontory were, as well as if a manor of thy friend's or of thine own were: any man's death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind, and therefore never send to know for whom the bells tolls; it tolls for thee…"(source). 

With such profound musings so comes to a close our explorations of the past; sadly ours must be a silent parting as the bells of Old St. Paul's Cathedral in London were destroyed in 1666 during The Great Fire of London and the bells of First Congregational Church in New London can no longer toll due to its steeple collapsing and the subsequent removal of the remainder of the church."

https://averymemorialassociation.com/2024/05/16/situating-avery-forebears-within-the-larger-contexts-of-17th-century-fashion-fire-flames-religious-worship/

          


I think they saved the stone… let's hope they don't use it to backfill the bad job of building the new piers for the STUPIDWONDERFUL wind farm.
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Thursday, June 05, 2025

J-you-ne

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Wednesday, June 04, 2025

America's Digital Shield

Ya gotta go/stay/support….

https://www.americasdigitalshield.com/

~A.
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Sad day

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sucks uary

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Sunday, June 01, 2025

NREeeeeeeeeee

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Saturday, May 31, 2025

Time

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Thursday, May 29, 2025

Hey Yoo<

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Saturday, May 24, 2025

Hidden in the Bushes: The Teutonic Order of the Bailiwick of Utrecht in the 1780-1806 Revolutionary Period

Hidden in the Bushes: The Teutonic Order of the Bailiwick of Utrecht in the 1780-1806 Revolutionary Period

https://www.academia.edu/40392660/Hidden_in_the_Bushes_The_Teutonic_Order_of_the_Bailiwick_of_Utrecht_in_the_1780_1806_Revolutionary_Period?email_work_card=title

Hidden in the Bushes: The Teutonic Order of the Bailiwick of Utrecht in the 1780-1806 Revolutionary Period

© Copyrighted Material © Copyrighted Material www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com www.ashgate.com HIDDEN IN THE BUSHES 351 members of the Provincial States or as army offcers, the commanders – who now had to belong to the offcial Dutch Reformed Church – were also part of this order. The procedures for admission to the Bailiwick showed that the earlier traditions had been adapted to the new reality. Candidates were put forward as children by the incumbent commanders. Upon reaching adulthood, they could, provided they fulflled a number of conditions, be raised to the rank of jonkheer (esquire). One such condition was to have four noble quarters (i.e. four noble grandparents); another was to be a member of the Dutch Reformed Church. Whenever the death of a commander caused a shift in the chapter, the oldest jonkheer could accede. First, however, this move had to be affrmed in a meeting of the chapter. The assent of the States of Utrecht was also required. Although a commander was supposed to live at his commandery, this requirement tended to happen less and less, and management of the commanderies was left to local offcials. The buildings fell into disrepair, and many of them were eventually disposed of. In the absence of clear control, the Order's fnances descended into chaos. The admission of new members also left much to be desired. Eventually the procedures for arranging a commander's succession were so poor that interregnums became inevitable. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the bastions of nobility were at risk. A frst move towards turning the tide came in 1740 with the adoption of rules for admission that stressed the conditions requiring that a candidate should have four legal noble quarters and be of the Dutch Reformed faith. Some ten years later the rules were tightened further in a thorough overhaul inspired by the coadjutor, Count Unico Wilhelm van Wassenaer van Twickel (1692–1766), who, during the meeting of the chapter in 1753, had analysed the problems facing the Order. He was charged with the search for solutions. His plan included far-reaching changes to the Order's administration, bookkeeping and property management. The latter would be put into the hands of a steward-general. According to their rank, which was to be determined on the basis of seniority, the commanders would henceforth receive an annual stipend, and, if there was any surplus, also a bonus. The count's committee also proposed how duties should be divided between the steward and the secretary, who would also be paid a stipend. To avoid interregnums, the land commander would automatically be succeeded by the coadjutor. At the following meeting of the chapter, the committee's proposals were accepted. They then had to be submitted to the sovereign, the States of Utrecht, which, after lengthy deliberations, eventually agreed. The new structure was quick to deliver results. While the frst annual accounts – for 1762 – showed a defcit of 1,396 guilders, those from 1763 onwards showed a surplus. 6 In the years that followed, this surplus increased rapidly, so much so that in 1783 the stipends could be raised. The growing surpluses were due primarily to rising incomes from leased land. The steward, Gijsbert Dirk Cazius (1722–1804), 6 Archief Ridderlijke Duitsche Orde Balije van Utrecht (ARDOU-OA) 337 dl. 2 (1763) en dl. 3 (1764).


~A.
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Friday, May 23, 2025

Exploring the Concept of Home: What Makes It

Exploring the Concept of Home: What Makes It More Than Just a Place? | by PAYAL KUDESIA | Medium

https://medium.com/@kudesiapayal24/exploring-the-concept-of-home-what-makes-it-more-than-just-a-place-50925984b60c

Exploring the Concept of Home: What Makes It More Than Just a Place?

PAYAL KUDESIA
Photo by Brina Blum on Unsplash

The concept of home is a powerful and complex idea that transcends its literal meaning as a physical space. It's where we return to after a long day, where we find solace, where memories are made, and where our identities are often shaped. Yet, the essence of home is so much more than just the walls that surround us. It's an emotional, cultural, and even spiritual anchor that connects us to ourselves, our families, our communities, and sometimes even to places far beyond our immediate surroundings.

In this essay, we will explore the multifaceted concept of home, delving into the emotional and psychological significance of home, its role in shaping our identities, how different cultures interpret it, and the evolving notion of home in a modern, globalized world. By examining these aspects, we can understand why the idea of home is so essential and why it means more than just a place where we sleep at night.

The Emotional Landscape of Home

Home as a Sanctuary

For many people, home is a sanctuary — a place where they feel safe, secure, and at peace. It is a space that shields them from the chaos and stress of the outside world. In this sense, home is not just about physical shelter but about emotional and mental well-being. It's where people let their guard down, express themselves freely, and connect with their innermost thoughts and feelings.

Psychologically, the concept of home as a sanctuary is closely linked to feelings of comfort and stability. A person's home is where they can control their environment, create routines, and feel a sense of belonging. The idea of home as a sanctuary is perhaps most evident in moments of crisis — when people are ill, grieving, or overwhelmed, they instinctively long for the comfort of home. It becomes a place of retreat and recovery, where one can reconnect with their core self and regain strength.

Home as a Space for Belonging and Connection

Beyond being a sanctuary, home is also a space for belonging. It is where we connect with our families, friends, and communities. The relationships we cultivate within our homes shape our sense of self and how we relate to the world. This is especially true during childhood, where our early experiences within the family unit create the foundation for our understanding of relationships, trust, and love.

In many cultures, the home is where multiple generations live together, creating a dynamic environment of shared experiences and wisdom. For others, the home may be a more transient or individualistic space, but even then, it serves as a place to nurture personal connections, whether through friendships, partnerships, or chosen families. These connections give the home its deeper meaning, making it a place of emotional and social nourishment.

When home is shared with others, the collective experience creates a shared narrative. Family traditions, rituals, and celebrations — whether around a dinner table, during holidays, or in everyday moments — become the threads that weave together a sense of belonging. The people who share a home with us help define it as more than just a physical location. Instead, it becomes a space where relationships are fostered, bonds are strengthened, and the intangible feeling of 'home' is built.

Home and Identity: Shaping Who We Are

Home as a Reflection of Self

One of the most compelling ways in which home transcends its physical structure is its role in shaping and reflecting our identities. The way we design, organize, and inhabit our homes is often a direct reflection of who we are. Whether it's the color of the walls, the arrangement of furniture, or the choice of décor, our homes are extensions of our personalities and tastes.

For some, their home might be a minimalist retreat, reflecting their desire for simplicity and clarity. For others, it may be filled with books, art, and mementos that tell the story of their life's journey. Regardless of style, each home is unique in that it mirrors the inner world of the person or people living there. In this way, home becomes an external manifestation of identity, a space where we can see ourselves and be ourselves.

The objects we keep in our homes also play a significant role in shaping our sense of identity. Items with sentimental value — family heirlooms, photographs, souvenirs from travels — help us maintain a connection to our past, grounding our sense of self in the continuity of our personal history. At the same time, the evolving nature of our homes — how we change them over time to suit new needs and desires — reflects the ongoing development of our identities.

The Role of Childhood Homes in Identity Formation

The home in which we grow up holds a special place in shaping our identity. Whether positive or negative, the experience of growing up in a particular environment leaves an indelible mark on who we are. Our childhood homes are often the settings for formative memories, from early friendships to family dynamics, and they deeply influence our sense of security, belonging, and self-worth.

For many, the concept of home is synonymous with their childhood residence, a place they return to in their minds for comfort and nostalgia. This association often extends well into adulthood, as people carry the emotional imprint of their childhood home with them wherever they go. Even after moving out, the original home remains a touchstone, a reference point for what home should feel like.

However, not all childhood homes provide a sense of safety and security. For those who experienced instability, conflict, or trauma in their early environments, the idea of home can be more complex. Some may struggle to define what home means to them as adults, while others might find solace in creating a new home that provides the sense of safety and belonging they lacked in childhood.

The Evolving Home: How Our Concept of Home Changes Over Time

As we grow older, our concept of home evolves. For many people, leaving the family home and creating their own space marks a significant milestone in their journey toward independence and self-discovery. Whether it's a college dorm, a first apartment, or a shared living space with a partner, the act of creating a home of one's own is a rite of passage into adulthood.

As life progresses, the meaning of home may shift to accommodate changing circumstances. The home we create in our 20s may look very different from the home we inhabit in our 40s or 60s. Marriage, parenthood, career changes, and retirement all influence how we define and experience home. For some, home may become more about the people they live with than the space itself, while for others, the physical environment may take on new importance as they invest in building a long-term residence.

Home is not static; it evolves with us. As our lives change, so do our homes, both in their physical structure and in their emotional significance. The home is a living entity, growing and adapting as we do.

Cultural Interpretations of Home

Home as a Cultural Construct

The concept of home is deeply embedded in cultural traditions and values, and the way people define and experience home can vary greatly from one culture to another. In many traditional societies, home is not just a private space but a communal one. For example, in many Indigenous cultures, the idea of home extends beyond individual households to encompass the entire community and the land on which it is built. In these cultures, home is inextricably linked to nature, spirituality, and the collective well-being of the community.

In contrast, Western societies often emphasize the nuclear family and individual ownership of property. The home is seen as a personal sanctuary, separate from public life, where individuals and families can retreat from the outside world. Privacy, security, and autonomy are highly valued, and the home is often a symbol of personal achievement and success.

In some cultures, the concept of home is also closely tied to hospitality and the practice of welcoming others into one's space. In Middle Eastern cultures, for instance, the home is a place where guests are honored, and great care is taken to make them feel comfortable and respected. The act of sharing one's home with others is seen as a reflection of one's values and character.

The Idea of "Homecoming" in Diaspora and Migration

For individuals living in the diaspora, the concept of home takes on additional layers of meaning. Many immigrants and refugees experience a sense of duality when it comes to home — feeling connected to both their place of origin and their adopted country. For these individuals, home is not confined to a single location but exists in multiple places, sometimes even simultaneously.

The notion of "homecoming" is particularly significant for those who have been displaced or have migrated. Returning to the homeland can evoke powerful emotions of belonging, nostalgia, and reconnection with one's roots. Yet, for many, the experience of returning home is complicated by the realization that both they and their homeland have changed. This can create a sense of disorientation or "reverse culture shock," as individuals navigate the complexities of feeling both at home and out of place in a familiar environment.

In this context, home becomes less about a specific location and more about a feeling — a sense of identity, community, and belonging that transcends geographical boundaries. It speaks to the deep human need for connection, history, and a place in the world, even when physical displacement is a reality.

The Modern Home: A Changing Concept in a Globalized World

The Impact of Technology on the Concept of Home

In the digital age, the boundaries of home have expanded in unprecedented ways. Technology has blurred the line between home and the outside world, allowing us to stay connected with people, work, and information from anywhere in the world. While this connectivity offers many conveniences, it also raises questions about how we experience and define home.

For many people, the rise of remote work and online communication has transformed the home into a multifunctional space where personal, professional, and social lives intersect. The home office has become a common feature, and the concept of "work-life balance" has taken on new significance as people navigate the challenges of maintaining boundaries within their living spaces.

At the same time, technology has made it easier for people to stay connected to their loved ones and communities, even when they are physically distant. Social media, video calls, and online networks allow individuals to maintain a sense of home and belonging, no matter where they are. For many, home is now as much about virtual spaces and relationships as it is about physical ones.

Globalization and the Fluidity of Home

Globalization has also played a significant role in reshaping the concept of home. As people move across borders for work, education, or other opportunities, the idea of home has become more fluid and less tied to a single location. Many individuals now identify with multiple homes, whether through dual citizenship, cultural heritage, or personal experiences in different parts of the world.

This fluidity of home challenges traditional notions of rootedness and permanence. It raises important questions about what it means to belong, how we define our place in the world, and how we navigate the complexities of identity in an increasingly interconnected global society.

For some, the ability to move freely and create homes in different places is a source of empowerment and opportunity. For others, the lack of a stable or permanent home can create a sense of rootlessness or alienation. In either case, the evolving concept of home reflects the broader changes in society brought about by globalization, migration, and technological advancement.

Conclusion: Home as More Than Just a Place

In conclusion, the concept of home is far more than just a physical location. It is an emotional, psychological, cultural, and even spiritual construct that shapes our identities, connects us to others, and provides us with a sense of belonging and stability. Home is where we feel safe, where we form meaningful relationships, and where we define who we are and how we relate to the world around us.

As the world continues to change, so too does the concept of home. In a globalized and digitally connected society, home is becoming increasingly fluid and multifaceted, reflecting the diverse experiences and identities of people across the globe. Yet, despite these changes, the fundamental importance of home remains the same — it is where we find our roots, our connections, and our sense of self.

Ultimately, home is not just a place; it is a feeling, an experience, and a reflection of our deepest human desires for safety, belonging, and meaning. Whether it's a childhood residence, a new apartment in a foreign city, or a virtual space shared with loved ones, home is where we are most ourselves — where we truly belong.


~A.
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Sunday, May 18, 2025

Scientists double EV battery power by 60% with interlocked electrodes

Scientists double EV battery power by 60% with interlocked electrodes
Covalent bonding resolved flux issues, cool.
https://interestingengineering.com/energy/battery-innovation-doubles-energy-density

EV battery cells get double power boost, 60% energy density with new trick

This study offers a new direction for next-generation energy storage systems.

Prabhat Ranjan Mishra
EV battery cells get double power boost, 60% energy density with new trick

Scientists have implemented a novel method to successfully overcome a major limitation of conventional lithium-ion batteries (LIBs) and increase the energy density of cells. Researchers from South Korea dealt with unstable interfaces between electrodes and electrolytes.

Researchers believe that silicon-based batteries could be better alternative to graphite-based batteries, which are currently majorly used in smartphones and laptops. This is because graphite falls short on energy capacity while silicon can store nearly ten times more lithium ions. Therefore, silicon can be promising next-generation anode material.

Dramatic volume expansion and contraction

However, researchers highlighted that silicon's main drawback is its dramatic volume expansion and contraction during charge and discharge, swelling up to three times its original size. This repeated expansion and contraction causes mechanical gaps between the electrode and the electrolyte, quickly degrading battery performance.

Researchers planned to address this issue by replacing liquid electrolytes with solid or quasi-solid-state electrolytes (QSSEs), which offer better safety and stability.

Yet, QSSEs still struggle to maintain full contact with the expanding and contracting silicon, leading to separation and performance loss over time.

New direction for next-generation energy storage systems

"This study offers a new direction for next-generation energy storage systems that simultaneously demand high energy density and long-term durability," said Professor Soojin Park of POSTECH, who co-led the study.

The research team from POSTECH and Sogang University worked on the IEE system that forms covalent chemical bonds between the electrode and electrolyte.

Researchers revealed that, unlike conventional batteries, where components merely touch, the IEE system bonds the two into a chemically entangled structure, like bricks held together by hardened mortar, so they remain tightly connected even under intense mechanical stress.

"The in situ Interlocking Electrode–Electrolyte (IEE) strategy is a key technology that could accelerate the commercialization of silicon-based batteries by significantly enhancing interfacial stability," said Professor Jaegeon Ryu of Sogang University.

Electrochemical performance tests

Electrochemical performance tests showed a dramatic difference: while traditional batteries lost capacity after just a few charge-discharge cycles, those using the IEE design maintained long-term stability. Most notably, the IEE-based pouch cell demonstrated an energy density of 403.7 Wh/kg and 1300 Wh/L, representing over 60% greater gravimetric energy density and nearly twice the volumetric energy density compared to typical commercial LIBs, according to a press release.

Researchers underlined that in practical terms, this can help electric vehicles travel farther and smartphones operate longer using the same-sized battery.

The research's in situ interlocking electrode–electrolyte (IEE) system leverages covalent crosslinking between acrylate-functionalized interlocking binders on active materials and crosslinkers within the quasi-solid-state electrolyte (QSSE) to establish a robust, interconnected network that maintains stable electrode–electrolyte contact.

The research addresses the limitations of liquid electrolyte and QSSE configurations, evidenced by low voltage hysteresis in (de)lithiation peaks over 200 cycles, stable interfacial resistance throughout cycling, and the absence of void formation.

A pressure-detecting cell kit further confirms that the IEE system exhibits lower pressure changes during cycling without any voltage fluctuations from contact loss, according to the study.

The research was published in the journal Advanced Science.


~A.
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